 Ma u mumentu cchiù filici e produttivu di l'Ebrei vinni cu Federicu II (Stupor mundi, stupori dû munnu) ca vinni a occupari u tronu dâ Sicilia, l'Italia meridionali e a Germania. Si iddu fu custrettu di necessità pulitichi a aduttari na politica ca pareva nemica di l'Ebrei (accittau i reguli di Quartu Conciliu Lateranu ca prescriveva nu signali distintivu pi l'Ebrei---a littra greca TAU in aranciuni disignata dû stissu impiraturi--- e cunfirmau ca l'Ebrei avianu a pagari tassi ê viscuvi), iddu dimustrau i so veri sentimenti versu l'Ebrei ntâ Costituzioni di Melfi pubblicata ntô 1231, ntâ quali dichiarau ca l'Ebrei eranu sutta a so protezzioni personali e ca iddi avianu i stissi diritti davanti â giustizia di tutti l'autri cittadini. Inoltri, pâ prima vota nta storia e contru a putenza dâ Chesa la quali ci avia livatu appena a scomunica di supra a testa, dichiarau ca non era illegali pi l'Ebrei di mpristari sordi a nteressi s'iddi non si facevanu pagari cchiù dû 10%. Si mpristari sordi non ebbi subitu granni successu tra l'Ebrei, dopu divintau n'attività mportanti pi iddi. A Chesa naturalmenti diceva ca farisi pagarl nteressi supra i sordi mpristati era piccatu. L'Ebrei figuranu ntê piani di riforma di Federicu II in manera mportanti. Iddu ci desi cuntrollu assolutu di l'industria dâ sita. L'Impiraturi a un certu puntu, pi monopolizzari anchi sta industrial chiudiu tutti i tinturii dû paisi eccettu dui a Capua e a Napuli, e ci misi a capu dui Ebrei. Sti dui diritturi avianu u putiri di putiri riapriri autri tinturii. Inoltri pi stimulari u commerciu, Federicu organizzau assai feri nta varii città chî Ebrel sempri cu na prisenza prominenti. Sutta Federicu II, l'Ebrei prosperarunu, putennu purtari avanti i so attività cû sustegnu e a protezzioni dû suvranu. I so capacità speciali pâ lavorazioni di l'argentu e di l'oru (l'Ebrei eranu tantu assuciati cu st'arti ca "orefici" na parola ca voli diri "travagghiaturi di l'oru" si usatu comu cugnomi indica l'origini ebraica di dda famigghia), curaddu, e ferru, ficiru sì ca non si puteva fari a menu dû so contributu nta 1'economia di l'isula. Pi capirl ddu sensu di continuità e sicurezza ca l'Ebrei sintevanu ntâ Sicilia putemu usari una di so attività: assai d'iddi vivevanu dâ terra, cultivannu giardini e vigni ntê paiseddi unni stavanu. Sempri attenti ê venti dd pulitica, ]'Ebrel hannu statu sempri un populu urbanu, comu difesa naturali contra l'inprevedibilità dî eventi storici ca punnu richiediri a liquidazzioni veloci dî beni immobili pi scappari. Sta eventualità ci appi a pariri rimota ê contadini ebrei di Sicilia picchì invisterunu tuttu chiddu c'avevanu ntâ terra. Federicu II fu sulu l'ultimu di na longa serie di re attraversu l'azioni di quali sta fidi potti sussistiri e continuari. Ma iddu fu chiddu ca megghiu di tutti l'autri apprizzau l'intelligenza commerciali di l'Ebrei e anchi u so patrimoniu culturali e spirituali. I cosi canciarunu pû peggiu dopu a morti d'iddu e di so successuri e cu l'arrivu di Francisi ntâ pirsuna di Carlu d'Angiò nta l'Italia meridionali e ntâ Sicilia. |
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But the happiest and most productive time for the Jews came when Frederick II (Stupor mundi, the wonder of the world) came to occupy the throne of Sicily, Southern Italy and Germany. While he was forced by political necessities to adopt policies that at times seemed inimical to Jews---he accepted the dictates of the Fourth Lateran Council that required Jews to wear a distinctive sign, an orange-colored TAU of his own design, he confirmed that they should continue to pay taxes to the bishops--- he expressed his true feelings for them in his Melfi Charter, published in 1231, in which he declared that Jews were under his personal protection and that they had the same rights to justice as all other citizens. In addition, for the first time in history and against the power of the Church which had just lifted its excommunication from his head, he declared that money-lending, as noted earlier, was not illegal for the Jews as long as they did not charge more than 10% interest. While money-lending was not immediately embraced by Jews, it was to become an important activity for them. The Church, of course, had maintained all throughout that charging interest on money lent was sinful. The Jews figure prominently in Frederick's plan for economic reforms. He gave them absolute control of the silk monopoly. The Emperor at one point closed all dyeing shops in the realm except those in Capua and Naples, placing these under the direction of two Jews, as a way of monopolizing that industry as well. The two Jewish directors in turn could authorize the opening of other shops. In addition, as a way of stimulating commerce, Frederick organized fairs in various cities with Jews participating prominently in them. Under Frederick's rule, Jews prospered, being able to conduct their activities with the support of the sovereign and under his protection. Their highly specialized skills with silver, gold, (the Jews were linked to these arts so much that "orefice," a word that signifies "goldsmith" used as a family name indicates that family's Jewish ancestry), coral and iron made their contribution to the economy of their island nearly irreplaceable. One activity carried out by Sicilian Jews can be used to extrapolate the sense of safety and continuity that they felt in Sicily: many of them were farmers and cultivated the land and grew vineyards while living in small towns. Always weary of the sudden change in political climates, Jews have tended to be an urban people, as a natural defense against the unpredictability of historical events that might force them to liquidate their assets quickly and run. Such an eventuality must have appeared remote to the Sicilian Jewish farmers who invested everything they had in the land. Frederick II was only one of the last in a long line of rulers who by their action instilled such abiding faith. But he was the one who was the most appreciative of the business acumen of the Jews, and also of their spiritual and cultural patrimony. Things changed for the worse, however, after the death of Frederick and of his successors and the arrival of the French, in the person of Charles d'Anjou, in Southern Italy and in Sicily. |
| I destini di l'Ebrei di l'Italia meridionali canciaru strata quannu a Sicilia si ribbeddau davanti a l'avarizia e l'abusi di Francisi ntô 1282 e i cacciau, scannannu a tutti chiddi ca truvavanu ntê strati. A Sicilia divintau un regnu a parti sutta Carlu d'Aragona, mentri l'Italia meridionali ristau sutt'ô guveeru di dinastia angioina. Mentri non c'è dubbiu ca l'Ebrei siciliani sâ passaru megghiu di so correligionari sutt'ê Francisi, è anchi veru ca ntô regnu di Sicilia ca durau dû 1302 fin'ô 1402 quannu fu fattu viceregnu. l'Ebrei ebbiru a soffriri ---anchi si menu dâ populazioni generali--- i peni di na situazioni economica ca eva di mali in peggiu. Na crisi causata di problemi di successioni e d'invidia tra i baruni lucali s'impusissau di l'isula. Inoltri, mentri 1'economia di agricola/industriali divintava strittamenti agricula, l'Ebrei ca avevanu occupatu posti chiavi nta l'industrii dâ sita e dâ tintura, furunu custretti a dedicarisi â vinnita di prodotti agriculi. A picca a picca, a so ricchizza diminuiu. Canciau puru u clima politicu. Sutta l'Aragunisi passaru liggi cchiù duri pi l'Ebrei. L'Ebrei non putevanu praticari a midicina o dari midicinali ê cristiani, né putevanu svolgiri travagghi di funzionari pubblici o associarisi ê Cristiani apertamenti. Ma comu accadeva puru ntô vaticanu sti liggi non eranu osservati ntâ pratica quotidiana. Infatti, medici ebrei frequentavanu a Curti e ci eranu ammessi e ricevuti cu onori comu "familiari". |
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The destinies of the Jews in Southern Italy were parted when Sicily rebelled against the greed and abuses of the French in 1282 and threw them out, slaughtering every Frenchman in sight. Sicily became a separate kingdom under Charles of Aragon, while Southern Italy remained under the Anjou dynasty. While there is no question that Sicilian Jews fared a lot better than their counterparts under French domination, it is true that in the Kingdom of Sicily which lasted from 1302 to 1402, when it was demoted to a Viceregency, the Jews suffered a setback --- although they did not suffer in the same measure as the general population---due to the deteriorating economic conditions. A crisis caused by dynastic strife and in fighting among local barons engulfed the island. In addition, as the economy changed from industrial/agricultural to strictly agricultural, the Jews who had occupied key positions in the silk manufacture and dyeing industries were forced to shift their attention to trading in agricultural products. Slowly their wealth diminished. The political climate also changed. Under the Aragonese harsher laws against Jews were enacted. Jews could not practice medicine on or give medicines to Christians, they could not hold public offices or associate openly with Christians. But as happened in the Vatican, these laws were not adhered to in daily practice. In fact, Jewish doctors were allowed to frequent the Court and were received honorably there as "familiars." [or intimates] |
| Non c'è dubbiu ca di problemi ca nasceru tra i Cristiani e l'Ebrei assai si ponnu attribuiri cchiù a l'azioni dâ Chesa ca ô guvernu aragunisi. I pridicaturi infiammavanu a populazioni contra "l'ammazza-Cristu" e iddi furunu responsibili in parti di certi episodi di brutalità contra l'Ebrei. Tipicamenti, a staciuni di l'annu cchiù timuta di l'Ebrei era a Simana Santa ca culminava câ rappresentazioni dâ passioni di Cristu, rappresentazioni ca havi locu ancora oggi ntê paisi siciliani in costumi e produzioni elaborate degni di Hollywood. A furia di pridicaturi ca denunziavanu l'Ebrei dû pulpitu causau a assai Cristiani di abbunnunari ddu sistema tipicu di vita di Siciliani, incorporatu ntâ frasi, "Vivi e lassa viviri." Però chisti esplosioni furunu mumenti passeggeri, tempuranii e attaccati causalmenti a agenzii esterni. Furunu nisciuti mumentanii dû cumportamentu naturali di Siciliani. U fanaticismu è completamenti fora di ddu "modus vivendi" ca si canusci comu sicilianu. I Siciliani sunu un populu pragmaticu. Iddi sunu estremamenti razionalistichi e non fannu mai atti di brutalità si non c'è mmiscatu l'onuri dâ famigghia. Comu osservau Tomasi di Lampedusa, i Siciliani hannu na manera di canciari tuttu chiddu ca veni di 1'esteru, e u ventu cauddu di l'antisemitismu attravirsannu u mari Meditirraniu si raffriddau e puru a dda temperature non era sopportabili. U razzismu, comu dici Titta Lo Jacono, è na pianta d'importazioni ma ô cuntrariu di ficadinnia o di l'aranciu, idda non pigghiau radichi ntâ Sicilia.9
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No doubt many of the problems that rose between Christians and Jews can be ascribed less to the Aragonese government than to the action of the Church which through preachers inflamed the population against the "murderers of Christ" and was in part responsible for some episodes of brutality against the Jews. Typically, the time of the year Jews dreaded most was the Holy Week which culminated in the reenactment of the passion of Jesus, a reenactment that still takes place in costumes and with elaborate productions worthy of Hollywood in many Sicilian towns. The fury of preachers who denounced Jews from the pulpits caused many to abandon what is truly a Sicilian way of life: "vivi e lassa viviri" (live and let live). Still, such outbreaks were sporadic, temporary and causally linked to outside agencies. They were momentary departures from the normal behavior of Sicilians. Fanaticism is totally alien to the Sicilian modus vivendi. Sicilians are very pragmatic people. They are extremely rationalistic and will not perform acts of brutality unless family honor is at stake. Sicilians, as Tomasi di Lampedusa observed, have a way of changing everything that comes to them from the outside and the hot wind of antisemitism in crossing the Mediterranean sea became much cooler when it reached Sicily and even then it was not easily tolerable. Racism, as Titta Lo Jacono wrote, is an imported plant, but unlike the prickly pears or orange, it has never taken roots in Sicily. 9
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